Nepali Migrant Workers in India: A Rite of Passage to Adulthood

In this edition of Sambandh Scholars Speak, Mahesh Kushwaha interviews Jeevan R. Sharma, Senior Lecturer in South Asia and International Development at the Department of Social Anthropology and Co-Director, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of Edinburgh, on his book, Crossing the Border to India: Youth, Migration, and Masculinities in Nepal, published by Temple University Press in 2018.

Nepal shares a long and open border with India. Though the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty between India and Nepal laid the foundation for the “unrestricted” cross-border movement of goods and people, the history of migration from Nepal to India predates the treaty. During the 18^th century, Nepali workers migrated to India to work in tea plantations, on construction sites, and as porters in the colonial period. Most studies on the India–Nepal border and cross-border migration focus primarily on the economic aspects of the phenomenon, portraying the migration of Nepali workers to big Indian cities such as New Delhi, Mumbai, and Kolkata merely as a means to support their families back home.

Sharma’s book offers a more nuanced analysis of this migration, which he sees as “young men’s strategic responses to livelihood insecurities…shaped not just by wage differentiation and economic calculation but also by a complex set of gendered sociocultural considerations, particularly relating to ideas of modernity and masculinity” (p. 81). In other words, young men in the hills often see migrating to India as “a rite of passage to adulthood” (p. 87). It is a process that generates income for their families and elevates their masculinity and social status. Nevertheless, the process, which includes crossing the border, finding jobs, and adjusting to harsh living conditions in India, disciplines them into docile workers and often exposes them to different risks. This leads them to renegotiate their understanding of masculinity and engage in the consumption of modern goods, images, as well as substances and other risky behaviours.

Crossing the Border to India is the product of an ethnographic study conducted between 2004 and 2013, of migrant workers from Palpa, a hill district in Nepal’s mid-west. It has six chapters, where each chapter discusses a crucial element of the entire phenomenon of migration: the political economy of rural livelihoods, the history and culture of migration, factors shaping the decision to leave the hills, the process of crossing the border, the experiences of Nepali migrant workers in Indian cities, and their risky behaviours. At a point when cross-border connectivity and regional integration are picking pace, Sharma’s book provides a crucial perspective on the gendered notion of migration and invites further research on how it might change with new developments.

Mahesh Kushwaha (MK): The book is a fantastic account of the experiences of young Nepali men who migrate to Indian cities, both for economic reasons, and, if I may say so, in a quest for manhood. The fieldwork for the book, however, was undertaken almost a decade ago and in a different socio-political environment. How have trends and practices of cross-border migration changed over the last decade owing to recent socio-political transformations in Nepal? 

Jeevan R. Sharma (JS): I believe that despite recent social and political transformations in Nepal in the last decade and a half, the migration of Nepali men to India has continued and will continue in the future. There is a well-established culture of migrating for work in Nepal. While Nepal has experienced significant political and social transformations, the economic conditions and precarity that force Nepali men to migrate in the first place have not changed. Nepal’s political transformation has not meant much financial security or social and economic protection for the poor. I would go as far as to suggest that Nepal’s UN-supported peace process, the new constitution, and the restructuring of the state have failed to address fundamental questions pertaining to livelihoods, economic inequality, and security. This is, unfortunately, a paradoxical reality—Nepali men continue to migrate to work under precarious conditions in India and other overseas destinations in response to persisting uncertainties in their villages.

While Nepal has experienced significant political and social transformations, the economic conditions and precarity that force Nepali men to migrate in the first place have not changed.

I have continued with my fieldwork in the hills of Nepal and Indian cities, and I do not see any change in migration trends. If you look at the far-western, mid-western, and western hills in Nepal (the regions I am familiar with), migration to India remains a key project for households to secure their livelihoods. You can get a sense of this when you spend a few days in border towns like Sunauli/Bhairahawa, Nepalgunj, Mahendranagar, or Dhangadi on the Nepal side.

There are two key drivers that are likely to change the course of migration to India: first, the impact of new technologies on the future of work, i.e., the use of digital platforms is likely to shape the nature and availability of work for Nepali migrants, especially in the care sector, such as in domestic work, as security guards, or even in hotels and restaurants. The second is the impact of climate change, i.e., how changing weather conditions in Nepal will shape out-migration dynamics from the hills and the extreme heat in Indian cities will affect inbound migrant workers.

MK: A recurring theme in the book is Nepali migrants’ liminal status in India, where “they are treated neither as foreigners nor as citizens” (p. 119). This ambiguous political position exposes them to several vulnerabilities and limits them from accessing most official channels of protection. Given the long history of cross-border migration and strong bilateral ties, why do you think this issue persists, and how can it be addressed by the governments of the two countries?

JS: You are right. The liminal status of Nepali migrants speaks both to the political-economic inequality between Nepal and India as well as the discrimination faced by Nepali migrant workers due to the intersections of class and race. Having researched domestic low-income migrants in India, I must stress that many of the challenges faced by Nepali migrants are not unique to them; India’s domestic low-income migrants also face similar challenges. Some of this, particularly racial discrimination, is also shared by people from North-east India regardless of their class status, while others, particularly class-based discrimination, are also shared by other low-income internal migrants in India. Nepali migrant workers continue to struggle to find basic citizenship rights in India, which directly impacts their living and working conditions, their sense of dignity and justice, and their health and well-being.

Many of the challenges faced by Nepali migrants are not unique to them; India’s domestic low-income migrants also face similar challenges.

MK: In your book, you mention that migrants are often subject to “interrogation, extortion, frisking, ill-treatment, and humiliation” on both sides of the border (p. 101). You also discuss the centrality of “social networks” for Nepali migrants in India. Based on your observation, both while crossing the border and attending social gatherings in Mumbai during fieldwork, what roles do ethnicity, language, and the appearance of Nepali migrants play in their overall experiences?

JS: At the outset, I must make it clear that I have primarily worked with Nepali hill migrants who come from different caste and ethnic backgrounds and are poor. Discrimination and ill-treatment emanate from race and class. As soon as they cross the border, the border effect kicks off, and Nepali men get transformed into migrant workers (commonly referred to as bahadur, kancha (or kanchi), or gorkha). These identity markers are essential for their own social networks and solidarity, particularly while working and living in adverse conditions in Indian cities. While I would not go as far as to suggest that caste and ethnicity are not important among Nepali migrants, Nepali men from different castes and ethnicities do build ‘Nepali’ solidarities while living and working in Mumbai or Jalandhar.

MK: Despite “several conflicts and disputes between the two countries”, you highlight, “the border is not securitized like other borders…in South Asia” (p. 104). The 2015 border blockade caused by Madhesi protestors increased calls for revising the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty. Further, in recent times, there have been boundary rows between India and Nepal. Against this background, what are your thoughts on the future of the India­­–Nepal border? What impact would these developments have on cross-border migration?

JS: First, the Nepal-India border is unique. However, it is not necessarily an open border, particularly when you view it from the vantage point of poor migrants from Nepal (or in the other direction, for Indian migrant workers in Nepal).

I expect that both Nepal and India will work to ensure that the Nepal–India border remains open but will likely increase surveillance.

Second, the Nepal–India border has been securitised over the years. Any further regulation of the border would have a negative impact on Nepali migrants. During the COVID-19 pandemic–related lockdown, we saw the humanitarian crisis brewing at the border. I expect that both Nepal and India will work to ensure that the Nepal–India border remains open but will likely increase surveillance. Unfortunately, it is the poor migrants who will bear the brunt of any further surveillance and securitisation of the border—be it pandemic-related (HIV/AIDS, COVID-19, or any other future outbreak) or suspicions of smuggling or security threats.

MK: India has been pursuing several infrastructure connectivity projects and focusing on regional integration. Nepal is also looking to expand its railways and highways and connect them with Indian cities. What changes will these new developments bring to cross-border migration practices?

JS: The migration of Nepali men to different parts of India has a long history. Nepali migrants began to migrate in large numbers for work in Indian cities to mainly serve the Indian middle class as domestic workers, helpers, and security guards or as workers in hotels and restaurants. This addresses the demand for domestic work in Indian middle-class households where there is a need to cook, clean, mop floors, buy vegetables and groceries, take kids to school, wash cars, attend lifts in apartments, buy vegetables, wash dishes, deliver food, etc. As long as this type of work is available, there will be demand for Nepali migrant workers in Indian cities.

Infrastructure projects such as railways and roads are unlikely to alter migration patterns from Nepal significantly. However, these projects will certainly make it easier for migrant workers and their families to travel to India. The flow of Nepali migrants to India is shaped by familial and kinship networks. I believe that the availability of decent work, improved working and living conditions, greater citizenship rights such as safety and security, and improved ease of making remittances will make India an attractive destination.

Much will depend on the quality of work and decent working conditions in the Indian job market.

About the Author:

Jeevan R. Sharma is Senior Lecturer (Associate Professor) in South Asia and International Development at the Department of Social Anthropology and Co-Director of the Centre for South Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh. He is Co-Editor of Himalaya and an Associate Editor of South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. He is the General Secretary of Britain Nepal Academic Council. Sharma is the author of Political Economy of Social Change and Development in Nepal (2021) and Crossing the Border to India: Youth, Migration and Masculinities in Nepal (2018).